Usually, I’d do a little introduction that highlights something else that happened in the world in May 1974. However, on this occasion, I’m not going to, given the length of this instalment. it was a monster to research and write, and I’d just like to say enjoy, and thanks for taking the extra time to read it. It’s worth a read, with lots of incidents to report on.
Political Developments in May 1974
In an interesting turn of events, May 1974 began with the Irish government bringing a case of torture against the British government to the European Commission on Human Rights. The case related to the treatment of Internees held in Northern Ireland.
On the 5th of May, Pro-Assembly Unionists met in Portstewart, County Derry, and announced the reformation of their group which was to use the name the Unionist Party. Then, just 3 days later, the UDA issued a statement condemning the security situation in Northern Ireland and gave its support to the United Ulster Unionist Council and the policy of opposing the Sunningdale Agreement.
As things started to brew, The Ulster Workers' Council issued a statement calling for new elections to the Northern Ireland Assembly. Just 4 days after the statement, on the 14th of May, there was a debate in the Northern Ireland Assembly on a motion condemning power-sharing and the Council of Ireland. The motion was defeated by 44 votes to 28. At 6:00 pm, following the conclusion of the Assembly debate, Harry Murray announced to a group of journalists that a general strike would start the following day. The organisation responsible for calling the strike was the Ulster Workers' Council. The action was to become known as the UWC Strike.
Amongst the political unrest and the anticipation of the looming strike, the 14th also brought news that the Ulster Volunteer Force and Sinn Féin were declared legal following the passing of legislation at Westminster.
Day 1 of the UWC Strike took place on the 15th of May. The initial response to the strike was poor, with many workers going to work. However, following meetings held at several workplaces, people began to leave work during lunch and early afternoon. By the end of the day the port of Larne, County Antrim, was effectively sealed off. Several roads had been blocked by hijacked vehicles. Some buses were hijacked in Belfast. Electricity supplies were also disrupted by rotating four-hourly power cuts across the region. The power cuts forced some factories to close and send workers home. The Ulster Workers' Council issued a statement saying that it would ensure that essential services would continue.
During the evening of the 15th, there was a meeting at Stormont Castle between the Minister of State at the Northern Ireland Office Stanley Orme, three Northern Ireland politicians (Ian Paisley, William Craig and John Laird), three members of the Ulster Workers' Council (Harry Murray, Harry Patterson, and Bob Pagels), and three members of Loyalist paramilitary organisations who were present as 'observers'. The three paramilitary members took guns with them into this meeting.
From Public Records that were released in January 2001, the following was noted from the meeting;
"Mr Orme said that the workers would not get what they wanted by attempting to intimidate the Government by a political strike of this nature. If the strike continued the workers would leave the government with no alternative but to carry out essential services by the use of the army. "
On day 2 of the strike (16th of May), The effect of the strike deepened with the engineering sector of the economy being the hardest hit.
The use of intimidation had a significant impact on the number of people who managed to get to work. The strike began to have several effects on the farming sector with uncollected, or unprocessed, milk having to be dumped and fresh food not reaching shops. The Ulster Workers' Council issued a list of 'essential services' which were to be allowed to operate as normal and also issued a telephone number for anyone engaged in such work. The UWC also ordered public houses to close. There was an outbreak of sectarian rioting.
The strike was the main subject of Northern Ireland 'Question Time' in the House of Commons at Westminster. Member of the Executive, Paddy Devlin, threatened to resign on the issue of Interment. Secretary of State Merlyn Rees, met with Loyalist leaders in Stormont. Mr Rees said that he would not negotiate with the UWC.
One thing that became clear was that the timing of the removal of barricades by the police was tactically wrong. In many instances, barricades were not removed until people had made an initial attempt to get to work. Having been turned back first thing in the morning few people were attempting to travel mid-morning or mid-afternoon when many roads would have been reopened. There were complaints about a lack of action, particularly to clear obstructions on roads, on the part of the British Army.
On day 3 of the strike (17th May), reductions in the supply of electricity continued to have serious consequences for industry, commerce, and the domestic sector. In addition to problems in maintaining petrol distribution, a lack of electricity also meant that pumps did not operate for substantial periods of each day. Postal delivery services came to a halt following intimidation of Royal Mail employees. There were continuing problems in farming and the distribution of food supplies. Special arrangements were made by the Northern Ireland Executive to ensure that payments of welfare benefits would be delivered to claimants. Leader of the Ulster Vanguard William Craig, criticised Merlyn Rees for not negotiating with the Ulster Workers' Council.
The 18th of May was the 4th day of strike action, the UWC issued a statement calling for an all-out stoppage to begin at midnight on Sunday the 19th of May. The UWC criticised Merlyn Rees for not meeting with the leaders of the strike. Members of the Northern Ireland Executive were told that the Army could not run the power stations on their own. There were attempts at negotiation by the Northern Ireland Labour Party. At this stage, some people believed that there were grounds for thinking that the strike might not succeed. Many middle-class Protestants were against the strike, as were managers, technicians in power stations, doctors, lawyers, teachers and small shopkeepers.
On day 5 of the strike (19th of May), Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Merlyn Rees announced a State of Emergency (Section 40, Northern Ireland Constitution Act 1973). He flew to Chequers, the country home of the Prime Minister, for talks.
On the same day, the United Ulster Unionist Council met and agreed to support the Ulster Workers' Council. The UWC withdrew its call for a total stoppage as of midnight.
A memorandum was submitted by the Northern Ireland Labour Party to the Northern Ireland Office.
As the strike continued into day 6 (20th of May), many roads in Northern Ireland were closed because of barricades, while electricity generation dropped to about one-third of normal levels. The people of Northern Ireland were also asked only to use telephones in an emergency. In response, the British Army sent 500 additional troops to Northern Ireland.
Minister of State at the Northern Ireland Office Stanley Orme repeated the government's position of not negotiating with the Ulster Workers' Council Strike Committee. In his statement said;
With permission, I would like to inform the House of the circumstances leading to yesterday's proclamation of a State of Emergency in Northern Ireland. On Tuesday 14 May, a body calling itself the Ulster Workers Council with no trade union or democratic standing but supported by paramilitary organisations advertised in the press that there would be a general stoppage if the Northern Ireland Assembly voted that day to support the Sunningdale Agreement. The Northern Ireland Assembly voted to support the Executive's policy on the Sunningdale Agreement and the broadly based system of Government established under the 1973 Constitution Act. On Wednesday 15 May, I met the hon Members for North Antrim and Belfast East, accompanied by Assemblyman Laird. Three members of the Ulster Workers Council and three observers from Protestant paramilitary organisations were also present. The Ulster Workers Council told us that the purpose of their action was to bring down the Sunningdale Agreement and have new Assembly elections at an early date. They intended to force this by limiting the supply of electricity, dictating themselves who should have current and who should be denied it. They said that further measures would be taken if the Government refused to negotiate. I made it plain that the Government, and indeed this House, was committed to the Northern Ireland Constitution Act and the Sunningdale Agreement, that the Northern Ireland electorate would be free to decide their future at elections held in accord with the Constitution Act, that the strike was a political one for purely sectarian purposes and that the Government would if necessary maintain essential services. There was no agreement.
On day 7 of the strike (21st of May), General Secretary of the Trades Union Council, Len Murray, led a 'back-to-work' march which turned out to be a fiasco. The march was supported by leading local Trade Union officials and attempted to lead workers back to the Belfast shipyard and factories in east Belfast. Only about 200 people joined the march. The march was flanked by members of the RUC and British troops, but a hostile crowd still managed to assault some of those marching.
An updated list of those services which were to be allowed through roadblocks and the opening times permitted for shops was issued by the 'Ulster Army Council'.
At Westminster, British Prime Minister Harold Wilson attacked the strike saying that it was a "sectarian strike" and was "being done for sectarian purposes having no relation to this century but only to the seventeenth century".
There was an attempt to resolve the strike by the Northern Ireland Executive on day 8 when they agreed to postpone certain sections of the Sunningdale Agreement until 1977 and to reduce the size of the 'Council of Ireland'. These proposals were rejected by leaders of the Ulster Workers' Council and other Loyalist leaders. The British government repeated their stance on not negotiating with the UWC. Minister of Commerce John Hume worked on a 'fuel oil plan'.
Continuing into day 9 (23rd of May), security forces removed barricades only to find that they had been replaced soon after. Workers in Derry were prevented from going to the Maydown Industrial Estate, and, although many schools managed to operate during the strike, it was reported that some GCE examinations were affected.
Deputy Chief Executive Gerry Fitt called on the British Government to send troops to the power stations and the oil refineries. Northern Ireland question time at Westminster again dealt with the strike with Merlyn Rees informing Harold Wilson that British Troops would have to be used to implement the 'fuel oil plan' being prepared by John Hume.
On the 24th of May (day 10 of the strike), talks were held at Chequers, involving; British Prime Minister Harold Wilson, Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Merlyn Rees, Chief Executive Brian Faulkner, Deputy Chief Executive Gerry Fitt, and Legal Minister and Head of the Office of Law Reform Oliver Napier. A statement was issued after the talks which stated that there would be no negotiations with those who operated outside constitutional politics.
The British Government Cabinet held a special meeting later in the day. Although the Cabinet agreed to allow Rees to put troops into power stations if he wished, there was little support for such a course of action within senior ranks of the British Army in Northern Ireland.
In an attempt to help bring an end to the strike, on day 11, Harold Wilson broadcasted on BBC television and radio at 10:15 pm. The speech proved to be counter-productive. At one point in the speech, Wilson referred to 'spongers' - meaning the Ulster Workers' Council and its supporters. However, most Protestants took the reference as a slight on them. Indeed some Protestants took to wearing small sponges in their lapels the following day as a gesture of support for the strike.
On the 26th of May, after a dozen days of striking, the leaders of the Ulster Workers' Council strike claimed that support was continuing to grow. The UWC also claimed that its system of permits was working well in maintaining 'essential services', particularly the supply of petrol.
Amongst continued unrest, the British Army arrested more than 30 men in raids on Protestant areas of Belfast.
As the strike continued into day 13, gas supplies to Belfast and other outlying districts were affected by a drop in pressure and a warning was issued that consumers should switch off their supply at the mains.
The British Army took charge of 21 petrol stations throughout Northern Ireland. These petrol stations were to supply petrol to essential users who could obtain a permit from the Ministry of Commerce. The Ulster Workers' Council retaliated following the takeover of the petrol stations. They announced that the British Army would have to undertake the supply of all essential services including basics such as bread and milk. There was a call issued for workers to stop their assistance in the provision of essential services. The UWC also stated that the Ballylumford power station, County Antrim, would close at midnight.
On day 14 of the strike (28th of May), everything came to a head. Brian Faulkner resigned as Chief Executive following a refusal by Merlyn Rees to meet with representatives from the Ulster Workers' Council. Faulkner's Unionist colleagues also resigned.
This effectively marked the end of the Northern Ireland Executive. A large demonstration of farmers in tractors blocked the entrance to the Stormont parliament buildings and also much of the Upper Newtownards Road. News of the collapse of the Northern Ireland Executive spread to the protestors. Celebrations took place in Protestant areas across the region.
Interestingly, on the same day, the President of the Republic of Uganda, General Idi Amin Dada, sent a telegram to Harold Wilson…
"I suggest that representatives of the Catholic and Protestant communities in Northern Ireland as well as representatives of your government come to Uganda, far away from the site of the battle and antagonism, for a conference on how to bring peace to their province. I would discuss with and make suggestions to them as to how to end the fighting in Northern Ireland. "
On Wednesday the 29th of May 1974, the strike was finally over, with the leaders of the Ulster Workers' Council officially calling off the strike.
In the aftermath of the strike, Harold Wilson discussed what may need to be done if the strikes were to resume, whilst Merlyn Rees said that the Ulster Workers' Council strike had demonstrated a rise in 'Ulster Nationalism' which would have to be taken into account by the Westminster government.
Shootings & Beatings in May 1974
01/05/74 - A British outpost came under an IRA attack at Crossmaglen, County Armagh. It was hit by three rockets and a 15-minute gun battle followed. No injuries were reported.
02/05/74 - Up to 40 members from the Provisional IRA East Tyrone Brigade attacked the isolated 6 UDR Deanery base in Clogher, County Tyrone with machine gun and RPG fire resulting in the death of Private Eva Martin (28), a UDR Greenfinch, the first female UDR soldier to be killed by enemy action.
07/05/74 - The UVF shot dead married couple, James (45) and Gertrude (44) Devlin, near their home at Congo Road, outside Dungannon. As they were driving home, a man in a British Army uniform stopped their car and opened fire on them. Their daughter, Patricia, in the back seat, was wounded. A UDR soldier was convicted for the killings.
07/05/74 - Catholic civilian Patrick Jago (55) and IRA member Frederick Leonard (19) were killed at their place of work, a building site, Carnmoney, Newtownabbey, County Antrim, when Loyalist paramilitaries carried out a gun attack on the workers' hut.
08/05/74 - The UDA shot dead Catholic civilian Francis Rowe (40) at his home on Kingsmoss Road, Newtownabbey.
10/05/74 - The IRA shot dead patrolling RUC officers Brian Bell (29) and John Ross (40), on Finaghy Road North, Finaghy, Belfast.
15/05/74 - The British Army shot dead OIRA Volunteers, Colman Rowntree (24) and Martin McAlinden (23) after they caught them planting a landmine near Ballyholland close to Newry, Down. No firearms were found at the scene, although a significant quantity of bomb-making material was recovered.
16/05/74 - A UDA volunteer shot dead female Catholic civilian Maureen Moore (21) at the Edlingham Street/Stratheden Street junction, Belfast. She had stopped to talk to a friend. A witness said the gunman emerged from the loyalist Tiger Bay area. There had been sporadic trouble in the area that day and locals complained that the British Army had done little to stop UDA activity nearby.
18/05/74 - A UDA volunteer shot dead UVF volunteer Joseph Shaw (22) during a fight in North Star Bar on North Queen Street, Belfast. The killing was part of a feud between the UDA and the UVF.
18/05/74 - The OIRA shot a British soldier and injured another in William Street, Newry, immediately after the funerals of the two OIRA volunteers (who died on the 15th of May). Five more attacks were carried out against the British Army in the week that followed.
20/05/74 - The UDA shot dead Catholic civilian Michael Mallon (20) and dumped his body by the roadside on Milltown Road, Belfast.
24/05/74 - Catholic civilians Sean Byrne (54) and Brendan Byrne (45), were shot dead in their pub, the Wayside Halt, during a joint UVF/UFF operation to shut down Catholic-owned pubs in and around Ballymena.
25/05/74 - Alfred Stilges (52), a Catholic civilian, was beaten to death by Loyalist paramilitaries in Forthriver Road, Glencairn, Belfast.
Bombings in May 1974
02/05/74 - The Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) exploded a bomb at the Rose and Crown public house on the Ormeau Road, Belfast, killing six Catholic civilians and injuring a further 18. Those who lost their lives were Thomas Morrissey (46), John Gallagher (23), Thomas Ferguson (62), James Doherty (53), William Kelly (56) and Francis Brennan (56).
13/05/74 - Two members of the Irish Republican Army, Eugene Martin (18) and Sean McKearney (19) were killed in a premature explosion as they were planting a bomb at a petrol station near Dungannon, County Tyrone.
17/05/74 - 33 civilians and an unborn child were killed in the Republic of Ireland as a result of a series of explosions when four car bombs were planted by Loyalist paramilitaries in Dublin and Monaghan. Approximately 258 people were also injured in the explosions. This was the highest number of casualties in a single incident during "The Troubles". No one was ever arrested or convicted of causing the explosions. Those who lost their lives were John O’Brien (24), Anna O’Brien (22), Jacqueline O’Brien (1), Anne Marie O’Brien (0), Anna Massey (21), Anne Byrne (35), Simone Chetrir (30), John Dargle (80), Patrick Fay (47), Antonio Magliocco (37), Anne Marren (20), Colette Doherty (21), Christina O’Loughlin (51), Edward O’Neill (39), Marie Phelan (20), Maureen Shields (46), Breda Turner (21), Marie Butler (21), Breda Grace (35), May McKenna (55), Siobhan Roice (19), Dorothy Morris (57), John Walshe (27), Elizabeth Fitzgerald (59), Josephine Bradley (21), Concepta Dempsey (65), John Travers (28), Peggy White (45), Thomas Campbell (52), Patrick Askin (44), George Williamson (72), Archie Harper (73) and Thomas Croarkin (36).
On the 15th of July 1993, the UVF claimed sole responsibility for carrying out the bomb attacks.
In response to the bombings, the UDA's press secretary, Sammy Smyth (later assassinated by the PIRA) said;
"I am very happy about the bombings in Dublin. There is a war with the Republic of Ireland and now we are laughing at them".
18/05/74 - The IRA is blamed for a car bomb that exploded at Heathrow Airport; three people were wounded and about 50 cars destroyed.
31/05/74 - Former Royal Navy serviceman Alfred Shotter (54), was killed by an IRA booby trap bomb hidden in a dustbin at his former home, Strabane Old Road, Gobnascale, Derry. It is believed to have been planted by the IRA.
Thanks very much for reading. This was a mammoth piece to research and write, so I hope you found it a little interesting and will come back on Sunday!
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