On the 22nd of January 1973, George Foreman knocked out Joe Frazier in 2 rounds to win the WBC & WBA heavyweight boxing titles in Kingston, Jamaica. This wasn’t the only heavyweight clash that month, with the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland facing off against the Secretary of State in Northern Ireland.
Political Developments in January 1973
In January of 1973, the European Union (then known as the EEC) saw the United Kingdom, along with Northern Ireland, becoming members. The Republic of Ireland also gained EEC membership on the same day. The consequences of EU membership varied for the two segments of Ireland and held broader implications for the entire island. Over time, the Republic of Ireland received more EU funding compared to Northern Ireland, aimed at supporting agriculture and enhancing the country's infrastructure. Eventually, the elimination of internal border checks led to the removal of physical Customs Posts on approved roads between Northern Ireland and the Republic. This change facilitated the smoother movement of people and goods across both parts of the island.
On the 2nd of September, a meeting took place between the Secretary of State and representatives of the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland. During the meeting, they discussed the following;
The nature of Consultations
The Orange Lodge asked why it had not been possible for them to see the Prime Minister on his recent visit to Northern Ireland although he had met delegations from the Churches and the ladies from the Bogside. The Lodge felt that they were constantly being rebuffed by senior Ministers in situations when they should have been consulted. He explained that the Prime Minister's programme on his recent visit had been governed by restrictions of time. It had therefore been decided that his discussions should be mainly confined to the political parties in Northern Ireland, but the Secretary of State said that he would bear in mind the Lodge's offer of further consultations.
The Security Situation
The Secretary of State said that although consultations over the political future were vital it was essential to deal with the current security situation. He was gravely disturbed by a recent development which could inhibit successes against the Provisional IRA - successes which were now very considerable. The results of the recent spate of sectarian murders were that support for the IRA would be encouraged in some areas and there would be renewed demands for more troops to be diverted from hard Roman Catholic areas to other areas, with a consequent risk of a resurgence of IRA activities.
Development of Effective Security Forces
The Orange Lodge expressed the view that for the previous three years, the security policy in Northern Ireland had been organised and directed from a higher level with political views in mind. What was needed was clear political action spelling out the lesson to terrorists. People would not come forward and join the security forces as long as they believed that there was a basic plan that Northern Ireland should gradually drift into a Republic. Ordinary people were placed between loyalty to organisations such as the UDR, which might be participants in their surrender, and loyalty to Ulster as they understood it. Ordinary people needed to be involved in the campaign against terrorists. This had been the great value of the 'B' Specials, who provided local intelligence. With the destruction of the 'B' Specials and their replacement by the ineffective UDR, this valuable intelligence had been lost. The RUC Reserve should be enlarged and given more to do, and they should be armed if necessary.
The Secretary of State said that as far as the disbandment of the 'B' Specials was concerned, this was water under the bridge. It was not possible to legislate to bring back the 'B' Specials. The UDR and the RUC Reserve had not taken their place even though former 'B' Specials had found a role in the UDR. He would like to produce an outlet for ordinary people's feelings and energies but he did not believe he could introduce any new armed force without legislation.
Involvement of the Minority Community
The Orange Lodge suggested that the Roman Catholic population had acquiesced in terrorism. The Catholics hoped that a Republic would be brought about, and the Roman Catholic leadership had therefore been ambiguous in its condemnation of violence. The Cardinal, for example, was unrelenting about the integration of schools. Nationalists in the past had frequently abstained and it was to be hoped that only accredited Roman Catholics would be selected to take part in government. The line which was increasingly taken by Mr John Hume and others was that with the abolition of Stormont the Catholic population should work for their ultimate objective. The Secretary of State said that he believed that the Cardinal was unrelenting about schools but he was not certain whether this was a personal matter or one in which the Roman Catholic hierarchy as a whole was involved. It was a problem which pertained to the whole of the United Kingdom to some extent. He believed that many members of the Roman Catholic community did want to take part and should be given a chance to share responsibility.
Administration of the Law
The Orange Lodge said that in some courts it appeared that the RUC officers were the people on trial. Protection should be given to the integrity of the evidence of RUC witnesses. The Secretary of State said that he hoped his recent statements following the publication of the Diplock Report would be helpful. The Detention of Terrorists Order had been a success and if it continued to succeed there would be a strong case for retaining it.
The general position of the Orange Lodge on proposals for the future
The Orange Lodge suggested that they generally supported the Unionist position but did not follow it in detail. For example, they included members of the NILP among their numbers. They could not accept tinkering with the institutions of Northern Ireland. Direct rule had produced no response from the Roman Catholics although the Royal Black Institution had made approaches to Roman Catholics in the past. The Orange Order was less likely than the Unionist Party to accept a non-viable Stormont. If no strong structure could be restored they would accept integration because of their British loyalties. The major issues were the control of security and the structure of the Executive.
The Orange Lodge put forward four specific proposals;
A fault of the 1920 Act had been that financial control had not been extended to the Northern Ireland authorities. There should be more liberty in financial administration.
Security on the 1972 standard, ie before direct rule, should not be restored. It was not sufficient to give the name of control without the power.
In the Council of Ireland, it would be wrong to put in representatives of an inferior Parliament to discuss with the leaders of a foreign Government. The Northern representatives should have standing.
There was a failure of the Foreign Office to explain the position of Northern Ireland abroad. There was a case for all the major Embassies having a Third Clerk, or someone of equivalent rank, designated to keep abreast of Northern Ireland affairs.
The Future Policy Group met with the Secretary of State on the 16th of January. In summary, some topics discussed were as follows;
The Secretary of State said that the issues raised in the submitted Paper were most important and he welcomed the opportunity to discuss them with members of the Group.
The Secretary of State said that he was impressed with the arguments presented for publication of the White Paper as soon as possible after the result of the Border Poll had been declared and agreed that this was the most satisfactory arrangement from the security point of view.
The Secretary of State invited a general discussion on the arguments which could be deployed in reply to a pressure of this kind.
The Secretary of State agreed that the White Paper should deal practically with matters which are of daily concern to working-class people in both communities in Northern Ireland and should carry a clear commitment to social and economic objectives.
The Secretary of State said that in considering a fall-back position in the event of devolutionary arrangements proving unworkable, it was important to remember that complete integration would reduce the opportunities for preferential or different treatment for Northern Ireland as compared with other regions of the United Kingdom.
The Secretary of State said that he was very conscious of the importance of including in the White Paper a re-statement of the pledge that Northern Ireland would remain part of the United Kingdom unless the majority of its people decided otherwise. He also indicated that he was personally satisfied that in the new arrangements, Northern Ireland should be given increased representation at Westminster.
Increased representation for Northern Ireland in the House of Lords was also considered. The Secretary of State said that it would be necessary for some existing peers to be prepared to play a larger part than at present.
The Secretary of State agreed that the elected representatives in Northern Ireland should be involved in working out arrangements for a Council of Ireland and that success was much more likely if the Dublin Government were prepared to accord formal recognition to Northern Ireland as a part of the United Kingdom.
The Secretary of State agreed that the White Paper should not propose any particular form of Executive but should leave this for discussion with elected representatives after elections had been held for a new Assembly. He pointed out that the formation of an acceptable Executive was likely to be a major hurdle and said that consideration would have to be given to alternative courses in circumstances where a broadly based Executive could not be formed.
Towards the end of January, there was serious rioting in Derry/Londonderry in the lead-up to the first anniversary of ‘Bloody Sunday’.
Shootings in January 1973
01/01/73 - A young Catholic couple, Breege Porter (21) and Oliver Boyce (25) were found shot and stabbed to death by Loyalists at Burnfoot, Inishowen, County Donegal. The Ulster Defence Association claimed they carried out the killings. The UDA would use the name Ulster Freedom Fighters during The troubles when they wanted to claim killings.
02/01/73 - UDA volunteers opened fire on a carload of Catholic civilians arriving for work at the Rolls-Royce factory in Dundonald, County Down. Civilian John Mooney (31) was killed and two others were wounded.
04/01/73 - UDR soldier James Hood (48) was shot dead by the IRA outside his home in Straidarran, near Feeny, County Londonderry.
05/01/73 - Civilian Trevor Rankin (18), was shot dead by the IRA outside a Ben Madigan filling station, Shore Road, Belfast. He had been mistaken for an off-duty UDR soldier.
15/01/73 - Off-duty UDR soldier David Bingham (22), was kidnapped while driving his car along Grosvenor Road, Belfast, and shot dead by the IRA. His body was found the next day in an abandoned car on Institution Place, off Durham Street, Belfast.
18/01/73 - IRA volunteer Francis Liggett (25), was shot dead by the British Army during an attempted robbery in the grounds of the Royal Victoria Hospital in Belfast.
25/01/73 - William Staunton (46), a resident magistrate died of his injuries three months after being shot on the 11th of October 1972 outside St Dominic's School, Falls Road, Belfast.
26/01/73 - A soldier was badly wounded by an IRA sniper while patrolling in Lurgan, County Armagh.
29/01/73 - The UDA shot dead Catholic civilian James Trainor (22) at his workplace, a petrol station on Kennedy Way, Belfast.
29/01/73 - The UDA killed a 14-year-old Catholic civilian, Peter Watterson, in a drive-by shooting at the Falls Road/Donegall Road junction, Belfast.
30/01/73 - UDA volunteer Francis "Hatchet" Smith (28) was kidnapped and shot dead by the IRA near Rodney Parade, Belfast. He was held responsible for the death of Peter Watterson the previous day.
31/01/73 - 14-year-old Catholic boy Philip Rafferty, was found shot dead at Giant's Ring, Belfast; the UDA is believed to have kidnapped him.
31/01/73 - 17-year-old Catholic civilian Gabriel Savage was found shot dead beside the M1 motorway near Donegall Road, Belfast. The UDA was believed to have been responsible.
Bombings and Rocket Attacks in January 1973
01/01/73 - A rocket hit Springfield Road RUC base in Belfast, injuring two people.
02/01/73 - A rocket hit the Beragh RUC base, County Tyrone. It missed the target and hit an unoccupied house nearby.
10/01/73 - A Loyalist bomb exploded at a builders’ provider in Stranorlar, a town in the Finn Valley of East Donegal. Nobody was injured.
11/01/73 - A Catholic church was bombed by Loyalists outside Ballymena. The Church was ruined by a 10lb bomb. The police believed the UDA was behind the attack.
14/01/73 - RUC constables David Dorsett (37), Henry Sandford (34), and Mervyn Wilson (23) were killed in separate IRA bomb attacks. Sandford was killed in a land mine attack on an RUC mobile patrol, Aghnagar, near Ballygawley, County Tyrone. Dorsett and Wilson were killed by a booby trap bomb attached to an RUC patrol car, in Harbour Square, Derry.
18/01/73 - A Soviet-made anti-rocket was fired at a British Army outpost at the junction of Louisa Street and Oldpark Road, Belfast. This was the second rocket attack in the district since the IRA added this weapon to their inventory.
20/01/73 - CIE bus conductor Thomas Douglas (25) was killed and 17 people injured in a car bombing in Sackville Place off O’Connell Street. The car used in the bombing had been hijacked at Agnes Street, Belfast. No organisation claimed responsibility but the bomb was believed to have been planted by one of the Loyalist paramilitary organisations.
26/01/73 - A UDR landrover was hit by an IRA grenade and gunfire near Whitecross, County Armagh. Three soldiers were hurt. Another soldier was badly wounded by a sniper while patrolling in Lurgan, County Armagh.
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